For more than a century, the global order has rested on the
assumption that hydrocarbons, while geologically widespread, are practically
accessible only under conditions of concentration, constraint, and controlled
movement. From this premise emerged not only industrial scale, but the
architecture of sovereignty itself. Control over hydrocarbon flow—its
extraction, its routing, and its delivery through narrow corridors—defined the
centers of gravity that shaped the twentieth century. Rockefeller’s dominance
was not a function of discovery alone, but of consolidation: the conversion of
dispersed geological presence into controlled energetic flow. From that
consolidation followed the alignment of currency, credit, and global exchange.
Bretton Woods did not arise in abstraction. It was convened in a world where
energy continuity could be guaranteed by those who controlled its movement.
The resulting system embedded dependency into geography. The
Strait of Hormuz and the Strait of Malacca did not become strategic by
coincidence. They became strategic because the system required that energy move
through them. Passage became leverage. Leverage became doctrine. Doctrine
became the basis for alliance and conflict alike. States lacking internal
hydrocarbon access were compelled to secure it externally, binding their
sovereignty to routes and actors beyond their direct control.
Israel has lived this condition with unusual clarity. Golda
Meir’s observation that Moses led the Israelites to the only place in the
region without oil is often cited for its irony, but its persistence reflects
its precision. It encodes a structural truth: that Israel’s sovereignty has
always been conditioned by external energy access. The state remains almost
entirely dependent on imported oil, much of it arriving through politically
fragile routes and maritime supply chains that cannot be guaranteed under
sustained conflict. Its military capability—air, ground, and naval—rests on
fuel sourced beyond its borders. This is not a peripheral vulnerability. It is
foundational.
Jordan represents the same condition under a different
expression. Where Israel’s vulnerability manifests as strategic exposure,
Jordan’s manifests as structural insolvency. The Hashemite Kingdom imports the
overwhelming majority of its energy, sustaining a persistent fiscal burden that
has required decades of IMF support, external subsidy, and negotiated
dependency. Its political stability is inseparable from its energy posture. Its
currency stability is inseparable from its import bill. Its sovereignty, while
intact, is continuously mediated by the necessity of securing energy from
outside its territory.
Both states sit atop the same rock. The Upper Cretaceous marinite formation runs
beneath Israel and Jordan as a continuous geological unit, deposited long
before the emergence of any political boundary. It has been known, mapped, and
studied for decades. Estimates place hundreds of billions of tonnes of oil
shale beneath the Shfela Basin in Israel and tens of billions beneath central
Jordan. The yields measured through standard Fischer Assay methods fall well
within commercially meaningful ranges. And yet, for over a century, this
resource has been excluded from strategic consideration. Not because it was
absent, but because it was classified as inaccessible.
That classification rested on method. The accepted means of
extracting hydrocarbons from kerogen—thermal retorting—required temperatures
approaching 500 degrees Celsius, significant water input, extensive
infrastructure, and the management of substantial environmental externalities.
Under those conditions, the economics did not close. The environmental cost did
not justify development. The resource remained, for strategic purposes, inert.
The assumption that followed was rarely questioned: that the
boundary between accessible and inaccessible hydrocarbons was intrinsic to the
material itself.
That assumption has now been contradicted.
In September 2025 in our lab, samples of Jordanian oil shale
were subjected to a process operating at ambient temperature and atmospheric
pressure. No heat was applied. No water was consumed. No pressure was
introduced. After a twenty-four-hour exposure to our liquid polar agent, the
rock yielded hydrocarbon product at 6.63% by weight. But the more consequential
result was not the gross yield alone. When measured against the theoretical
maximum derived from total organic carbon, the extraction exceeded that ceiling
by approximately 130%. In other words, the process did not simply recover what
the prevailing model had already counted as available. It accessed and
mobilized material the model had classified as non-producible solid kerogen,
and did so in a manner more akin to in situ refining than to
conventional extraction.
The significance of this result is not its scale. It is its
contradiction. For more than a century, the extraction of kerogen-bound
hydrocarbons has been treated as contingent upon energy-intensive
transformation. The demonstration that measurable yield can be achieved without
those conditions challenges the premise upon which the resource has been
excluded. The boundary between resource and non-resource, long treated as
fixed, is shown to be conditional.
The implication is immediate. The distinction between
“having oil” and “not having oil” has always depended as much on method as on
geology. When method changes, classification follows. When classification
shifts, the strategic map must be redrawn.
For Israel, this reclassification alters the foundation of
its most persistent vulnerability. The same formation that has been dismissed
as irrelevant now represents a potential source of internal hydrocarbon supply
sufficient, at modest scale, to address critical military fuel dependency. A
facility producing on the order of several thousand barrels per day—small by
global standards—would eliminate the need for external defense fuel
provisioning that has been maintained for decades through bilateral arrangements.
The strategic consequence is not export capacity. It is the closure of a
dependency that has shaped Israeli doctrine since its founding.
For Jordan, the implications are more profound. The
Hashemite Kingdom’s position as an energy-importing state has defined its
fiscal, monetary, and political constraints. Should even a fraction of its
underlying shale resource be reclassified as recoverable reserve, the
consequences extend beyond energy supply. Sovereign credit risk is repriced.
Borrowing costs decline. IMF dependency shifts from structural necessity to
negotiated option. The country moves, not incrementally, but categorically—from
energy-dependent debtor to resource-backed sovereign. The transformation is not measured in barrels
produced, but in balance sheets rewritten.
Because the same formation underlies both states, the
reclassification is not isolated. It is coupled. Two sovereigns, historically
differentiated by their geopolitical roles, are connected by a single
geological object whose status is now in question. The rock does not know the
border. The strategic system built above it has always assumed that it did.
This introduces a new condition into the regional order: the
emergence of the Levant as a potential origin point rather than merely a
corridor. Jordan, positioned between Gulf production and Mediterranean
consumption, becomes a pivot not through policy declaration, but through
altered resource classification. Israel, long defined by its dependence,
acquires a pathway to redundancy in its most critical supply chain. The implications extend outward.
Turkey’s leverage over Israeli energy, exercised through
control of transit infrastructure and maritime passage, diminishes when
domestic supply reduces reliance on those routes. Iranian influence, partially
anchored in energy flows and pricing within Iraq and the Gulf, encounters a
regional actor less dependent on those flows. Russian capacity to influence
supply through pipeline infrastructure becomes less determinative when
alternative sources emerge. Chinese infrastructure strategies, exemplified by
large-scale, capital-intensive energy projects, face competition from
distributed, lower-cost development models that alter the terms of engagement.
None of these actors disappear from the field. Their
relative weight changes. The chokepoints
remain. The Strait of Hormuz continues to carry global energy flows. The Strait
of Malacca remains central to global trade. But their role shifts from
deterministic control points to conditional nodes within a more distributed
system. Control of passage yields diminishing marginal leverage when passage is
no longer the sole determinant of access.
This does not produce immediate stability. It produces
misalignment. States continue to operate
under the assumption of constrained access even as that constraint begins to
loosen. Some actors recognize the shift early and begin to reposition. Others
reinforce existing doctrines, seeking to preserve leverage that appears, within
their frame, to remain essential. The resulting divergence creates asymmetry
not in capability, but in perception. Strategic decisions are made on the basis
of different maps describing the same terrain.
This is the condition under which systemic change occurs.
The environmental dimension reinforces the shift. Oil shale
has historically been excluded not only by technical constraints, but by
environmental cost. The ability to access hydrocarbons without heat, water
consumption, or significant emissions removes a second barrier that has
supported the first. Hydrocarbons do not simply become accessible. They become
permissible. The longstanding trade-off between energy security and
environmental acceptability is altered, not eliminated, but reframed.
At this point, the implications reach into the domain of
monetary architecture. If the global financial system has been stabilized by
alignment with constrained hydrocarbon flow, then any loosening of that
constraint introduces pressure on the coherence of that system. Bretton Woods,
and the structures that followed, were predicated on a world in which energy
access could be anchored through a limited number of controlled nodes. As
access becomes more distributed, the basis for that anchoring shifts. Currency,
credit, and exchange remain intact, but their underlying assumptions require
reassessment.
Golda Meir’s observation returns here with altered meaning.
Moses struck the rock to produce water under conditions of absence. The act was
forceful, necessary, and singular. It assumed that access required
intervention. But if the condition changes—if the rock yields not through
force, but through altered interaction—then the relationship between effort and
access is transformed. The resource does not need to be compelled. It becomes
available.
This is not metaphor. It is a structural inversion.
The question confronting strategic actors is therefore not
whether hydrocarbons remain central to the system, but whether the conditions
that have governed their accessibility remain as absolute as they have been
assumed to be. If they do not, then the centers of gravity that have defined
the modern order—from Rockefeller’s consolidation of flow to the monetary
authority of Bretton Woods—must be understood as contingent.
The implications of that recognition are not immediate. They
unfold through time, through institutional adjustment, and through the gradual
reweighting of assumptions. But once the contradiction has been observed—once
it is understood that a resource long classified as inaccessible may, under
different conditions, be recoverable—the prior classification cannot be
restored without qualification.
The system continues to operate. The actors remain. The
routes still carry flow. But the convergence that once made the system fully
intelligible begins to loosen. And when
that convergence loosens, strategy no longer consists solely in optimizing
within the existing frame. It consists
in determining whether the frame itself still describes the field.
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Thank you for your comment. I look forward to considering this in the expanding dialogue. Dave